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Bhutan News Service

Bhutan News Service

HR in Bhutan: what can we expect?

Posted: 09 Dec 2010 05:54 PM PST

Human rights and democracy in Bhutan are topics being very recently discussed in the parliament with little hope and more skepticism. The traditional bureaucrats who have now camouflaged to political elites, are all confused and perplexed to handle constitutional posts and shoulder responsibility to deliver rights and justice guaranteed by the constitution. Human rights situation have long been in a degrading situation with no freedom of expression, thoughts, association etc unless directed by the royal command. Efforts to improve the situation, at least on the face of defending human rights situation in UPR, have no implications. The general public remain uninformed about the constitutional rights they can actually exercise. Thus, the parliament is showcasing the discussion on human rights issues in the country but limited to its periphery.

Not up to the mark

The parliamentary committee on Human rights formed in June 2008, is the only body to oversee the human rights issues, which in fact is not comprised of HR experts. There is non-existence of an independent Human rights body as a constitutional organ to monitor human rights violation across the country. Although the parliamentary HR committee has set its foot to visit some jails and detention centers in the country and found deteriorating human rights situation, the recommendations made are just few to improve the situation. Moreover, it needs seriousness on the part of implementation. The committee actually unveiled the lies that the government told the world in 90s and early millennium that no such violation existed in Bhutan because of the government's Buddhist nature of loving all sentient beings.

The jails and the detention centers are all controlled by the police and armed forces of Royal government. No attorneys are available to the detainees to defend their case more independently in the court. The cases of most political prisoners in Chemgang prison, for instance, were determined unilaterally by the government lawyers who are not free of prejudice and mostly gagged by the government policy of disallowing the dissent voices. The committee report have not considered this aspect of the rights of inmates to seek fair trial. Overcrowding, unavailability of toilet and bathrooms, isolation, cruel treatment of inmates by thrashing, punching on faces, use of electric shocks, blindfolding, trampling with boots, use of shackles even in hospital bed are continuing in Bhutanese prison. Many of the more degrading human rights situation goes unreported and unrecorded in district jails like Samdrupjongkhar, Dadimakha, Rabuna , Trashigang and Trongsa.

The undercurrents of human rights violation is not easy to feel in the context of Bhutanese legal system and legal terminology used in Dzongkha language. 'Thrim' in Dzongkha refers to the punishment given to the wrongdoer. But 'Chathrim' refers to the main law, whereas 'thrimsungchhenmo' refers to the constitution and 'thrimpon' is a judge. In other words, law is associated to punishment, constitution is a way to greater punishment and a judge is the head of punishment. This ambiguous use of derogatory word synonymously for the law, justice and constitution has given an advantage to the administrative officials, court officials and police to coerce the common people with no knowledge of law and constitutional rights. It is a form of human rights violation when the people misunderstand punishment for legal measures, or for the constitutional provisions in the course of seeking justice.

Fundamental rights remain unprotected by the law, specially for those who cannot reach out to higher officials or Dashos and even the police. Ganga's son was taken to jail just for eloping with a girl but she was not able to get the justice, for she knew eloping was not a crime. A nineteen year old woman from east could not get her child's right protected even moving to court to determine the father of her child (How people friendly is our legal system, kuenselonline 31 October 2010). So justice for such folks does mean punishment as the national language prescribe for them.

Violation of property rights

Human rights violation with respect to the ownership of land and access to other natural resources goes commonly unnoticed. The Bhutanese peasants indeed do not understand that it is the violation of fundamental rights. Villagers in Sarpang(previous Sarbhang) district are accused of owning orange orchard illegally in government land. The orchards are auctioned by the government which benefited the village heads at the cost of income to its actual owner. The land is made illegal after the eviction of people from these villages, and now turned to government land simply by assumption based survey( Illegally owned govt. land, kuenselonline 20 sept.2010).

Taking away of previously private land and providing the income of gold harvest to another person is a gross violation of right to own property and right to live, perpetrated by the democratic government of DPT.

As enshrined in Article 7.14 of the constitution, no one will be deprived of property by acquisition or requisition, except for public purpose and on fair payment of compensation, as per law. Yet nothing of the constitutional provision applied in the above case of deprivation of property by the government.

No voting rights

Controversy over the voting rights sparked some debate in the National Assembly, which prompted the opposition leader to question the dual part of prime minister in politics and being a member of religious organization, Mahabodhi Society.

Members of religious organizations were denied voting rights making an excuse that religion and politics should be separated, so the members should refrain from voting. In Bhutan all people belong to one or other religious groups, if not organization, be it Hinduism or Buddhism or Christianity. According to one media report, 2,277 eligible voters belong to two religious organizations, while Young Buddhist Association of Bhutan alone has 2000 student members aged 18 to 35(Bhutan Observer, October 1, 2010). Denial of voting is the most severe violation of people's right to participate in democracy and governance. It is against the Article 7.6 of constitution, " A Bhutanese citizen shall have right to vote."

Education and child rights

While the government is making unusual pretensions to have succeeded in enrolling more than 75 percent children in schools, the children in some southern villages have no schools to go within half or an hour walking distance. Some of the middle schools and primary schools are still serving the army barracks. Goshi junior high school has been never opened to students since 1990. Now education minister is not able to say why security forces cannot move away from Sibsoo junior high school to allow the children take their classes.

It is probably the first time that a minister is asked about the reopening of school closed after 1990 and the Bhutanese media carried such rights-based news of parliamentary proceedings.

Bhutan ratified the convention on child rights back in 1990 and submitted first country report in 1999. But no Bhutanese child knew about the convention and their rights, at the time when they faced violation in schools with corporal punishment as severe as whipping or caning even for simple reason of not attending school assembly or evening prayers. Now, students and the parents fear the security forces to demand their right to study in their school, which was built by their contribution of labor. A good number of children below 18 years are also facing the exploitation as domestic workers, construction laborers, commuter assistants hotel stewards and even 'sex-gifts'.

Right of every child to learn one's mother tongue at least to primary level is violated in Bhutan. No sarchhop children could learn sarchhopkha in primary schools and for Nepali speaking southern Bhutanese it was abolished in 1989. So, about 60 percent of the population do not have the right to be literate in their mother-tongue.

Nepali had been the official language in Bhutan alongside Dzongkha since the institution of monarchy in 1907 as reflected in important government documents of 1957/58.

Conclusion

The foregoing discussion is an epitome of what rights the Bhutanese people are enjoying even after written constitution is the guiding law and lawmakers are sent through popular voting for running a democratic government. The media is in dilemma to cover the news of human rights violation as their own right to disseminate information is jeopardized by BICMA act. Several recommendations made by the committee on child rights remain unheeded. The police and armed forces are not sensitized on rights issue. Much of the data on human rights situation go unrecorded because of absence of any rights group to monitor and the field data are as usual filled out with an assumption. Discrepancy in the data has resulted the country's HDR ranking to go blank for 2010.

It needs more political commitment and sincerity in implementation of justice, freedom and fundamental rights to the citizens to make GNH realized for all Bhutanese.

Dhakal is associated with BNS. RN Pokhrel, also associated with BNS, has partially contributed to this article.

Bhutanese launch worldwide call to release jailbirds

Posted: 09 Dec 2010 01:56 PM PST

Bhutanese living in various regions of the western countries have launched a worldwide campaign coinciding 62nd International Human Rights Day to help free Bhutanese political prisoners from Bhutan jails.

BNS correspondents stationed in various regions of the western countries reported that both joint and separate petitions were submitted to various rights groups including the Secretary General of the UN seeking the concerned authority's immediate attention towards the plight of hundreds of political prisoners in various jails in Bhutan.

A media statement received from the Netherlands said seven member delegation representing Bhutanese Community in The Netherlands submitted a petition to the Dutch Parliament Foreign Affairs Committee members drawing their urgent attention towards the plight of Bhutanese prisoners.

The meeting took place at the lower house of the Dutch parliament at The Hague on December 07. It is reported that Harry Van Bommel, representing the committee delegation welcomed the Bhutanese delegates with a motivation say that 'every individual in The Netherlands have the rights to raise their voice when they feel that they are in injustice'.

The Bhutanese delegates briefed the Dutch committee about what they called 'hellish life in various prisons inside Bhutan since two decades,' according to the media release.

Shantiram Acharya, a former reporter with ‘The Bhutan Reporter’, is serving 7-year imprisonment. Acharya who had reached Bhutan from refugee camp to meet his relatives was accused of having involvement with Communist Party of Bhutan.

Meanwhile, Bhutanese folks dwelling in the United Kingdom have sent the appeal to the Secretary General of the UN. Durga Giri informed BNS that the memorandum was signed by 41 resettled Bhutanese in Manchester.

Dr. Govinda Rizal, a Philippines-based Bhutanese informed BNS that he has sent the appeal to various UN organizations including the global leaders in East Asia on behalf of exiled Bhutanese seeking their attention towards the plight of Bhutanese prisoners.

The appealers also sent a list of at least 89 political prisoners collected through individual efforts. It mentioned that 17 of them  have been given life sentence while four of them are serving 43 years sentence and 2 prisoners are sentenced for 36 years, among others whose sentencing period vary.

The exact number of political prisoners serving imprisonment in Bhutanese jails, however, is still unclear. It is believed that some hundreds continue to serve varying jail-term sentence ranging from single digit year to life imprisonment.

Meanwhile, Tek Nath Rizal, President of the Bhutanese Movement Steering Committee and a human rights leader, has drawn attention of Prime Minister Jigme Y. Thinley towards repatriation of refugees and unconditional release of political prisoners on the eve of Human Rights Day. "I also wish that you would prudently look into the way for unconditional release of political prisoners incarcerated in different jails of the nation unjustifiably without any cogent reason," reads Rizal's appeal.

It is reportedly learnt that Bhutanese living in USA, Canada, Australia, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Philippines, Norway, United Kingdom, among others launched the joint worldwide campaign calling the support of concerned authorities to help release all political prisoners in Bhutan.

Following is the appeal submitted to various rights groups including the Secretary General of the UN.

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December 10, 2010

His Excellency Ban Ki-Moon,

Secretary General,

United Nations Head Quarters,

New York, United States of America.

Subject: Unconditional and Immediate Release of Political Prisoners in Bhutan.

Excellency,

On this special occasion of the 62nd Human Rights Day, we the Bhutanese citizens settled in various countries in the west including the United States, Canada, England, Germany, Denmark, Netherlands, Norway, New Zealand, Australia and in Nepal would like to draw the attention of the United Nations to the plight of over 89 political prisoners, who on an average, continue to be incarcerated inside Bhutanese prisons for more than a decade. The exact number of political prisoners languishing in the Bhutanese prisons is disputed but some private sources say that the number could be much higher. Some of these prisoners are serving a life sentence. Human society has immensely benefited from the sacrifice of brave men and women like these through out history. Yet, we have not spoken bold enough to secure their freedom when they need most. Human Rights Day 2010 brings our hopes back as the United Nations highlights and promotes the achievements of human rights defenders worldwide. As stated, this will inspire a new generation of human rights defenders, who will speak up and take action to end discrimination in all its forms whenever and wherever it is manifested.

Your Excellency, may know that in recent times, thousands of Bhutanese citizens have settled in the west mainly due to the magnanimous offer by the resettling countries to help us rediscover our lives. Credit goes to the Core Group of countries and the various UN agencies for making resettlement possible. This is a great gesture of humanitarian care and support to a community, to whom resettlement basically means freedom and security from political persecution. Yet, we believe, being free means becoming more responsible. Free people must speak to secure the freedom of others. Therefore, this freedom does not give us the luxury of just sitting back complacently, while many of our fellow companions in the struggle for human rights and democracy continue to suffer inside Bhutan.

At a time, when we are stepping up our advocacy for the restoration of basic rights of our fellow men in Bhutanese prisons, the celebration of Human Rights Day 2010 with a professed goal of highlighting and promoting human rights defenders around the world comes as a big moral booster. It has emboldened us and strengthened our belief in the sanctity of our mission. Our appreciation goes to the United Nations for its persistent efforts to uphold and broaden the application of the human rights principles and its values globally. We believe that such noble efforts, in a not too distant future, will surely enable every member of the human race, including the Bhutanese minorities, to a status where they can enjoy, exercise and embrace freedom. This appeal is to urge Your Excellency to help Bhutan move forward and change for the better.

Political discrimination and victimization of ethnic or political minorities in Bhutan is not new. In fact, mechanisms of State repression are inbuilt into the Bhutanese system by default. The rise of people's voices have always deposited fear and insecurity among the Bhutanese ruling elites and shaken their ambitions. Indeed, the Bhutanese rulers have a history of successively eliminating political opposition, including one incarnate monk who was considered as the de facto ruler of Bhutan before the onset of the present day monarchy in 1907. From the arrest of Tek Nath Rizal in 1988, to the recent arrest and imprisonment of Prem Singh Gurung, a Christian activist; incidences of arrests and incarceration of minorities in Bhutan, on the basis of political or religious beliefs, have remained regular. Gurung was arrested for screening movies on Christianity and has been sentenced to three years' in prison by a District Court; on charges of attempting to promote a civil unrest.

Bhutan has a legacy of assuming that any one not agreeing with the official views of the government is automatically dissenting. Criticism of public policies is a treason and peaceful activities; a revolt to overthrow the government. The repercussions of actions demanding human rights and democracy is clearly evident in the ethnic cleansing of more than 130,000 people from Bhutan and their exodus in the 1990s, to neighboring India and Nepal. If anything, this is a clear illustration of selective and systematic State repression, against people of certain minority groups. The practice continues even today; even after the introduction of democracy in 2008. Opposition voices are still silenced, human rights violation continue, the media is muzzled and democracy is still not inclusive.

By the 1990s, the government's atrocities had peaked, giving rise to spontaneous mass protests in the streets and villages of Bhutan; starting at first from southern Bhutan but quickly spreading to the other parts of the country, notably the eastern region – the home of the Sarchhop minority group. The people demanded governance through the law, the institution of democracy and respect for human rights. To the government, these acts constituted a breach of law. The protestors were officially termed 'anti-nationals' and were either arrested, imprisoned, killed or hounded out of the kingdom en masse. Those who were arrested continue to suffer in darkness inside Bhutanese prisons until today.

In general, the saga of political prisoners in Bhutan is painful. The absence of human rights organizations, whether international or national, perpetrates the continued violation of citizen's human rights in the kingdom. Termed under "suspected involvement in opposition activities against the government" the prisoners are treated like enemies. They are kept in very harsh and inhuman prison conditions. With both hands handcuffed and iron shackles on both feet, physical movement is strictly limited. Food is highly unhygienic and barely sufficient to sustain life. Some ex-prisoners have contended that they were forced to drink their own urine to quench their thirst. Or at times a police officer has shown up to urinate in the prisoner's mouths. Often, a dozen inmates may share a common, tiny crammed room that serves as the toilet, dining room and a living space. They sleep naked on cold cement floors. Housing is sub-standard and the inmates cannot shave or take bath for months, and there is no lighting.

Extreme torture should not be acceptable to any civilized human society. But in Bhutan imprisonment and torture are inseparable; in fact torture is extreme. Torture through mind control devices, electric ironing at the back, beating on the soles of the feet, hanging with heads down, water boarding, coupling thighs, wheel on the neck are common. Recipient of the first "Praksash Kafley International Solidarity Award" and the winner of the "Ambassador For Peace" awarded by the Lutheran World Federation, Mr. Tek Nath Rizal, who spent ten years of his good life inside the Bhutanese prisons, corroborates this in his book "Torture Killing Me Softly".

Until Mr. Tek Nath Rizal exposed it in public, no one ever knew that mind shock through electromagnetic mind control technology has long existed as a secret weapon of the Bhutanese regime. Security expert Prof. Dr. Indrajit Rai agrees; writing a foreword note on Rizal's book, he says, "I learned from those books, that the Bhutanese government practiced mind control techniques on Mr. Rizal as a means to inflict physical and mental pain in order to destroy his life." He continues, "I would like to appeal to the international community to ban all kinds of mind-control devices, not to apply them, under any circumstances, to anyone else in the world".

On top of regular torture, inmates are forced to do hard manual work almost 14 hours a day; fetching logs and chopping them, cutting or carrying stones, carpentry and other masonry work etc. Inability to perform invites further torture and mental humiliation. Many inmates have either succumbed to death as a result of torture at the hands of the Bhutanese police and army, or have mysteriously gone missing.

Still many others continue to languish in the dark and continue to suffer incarceration. Others, though released are now suffering from post traumatic stress and disorder. In the prisons, the inmates are held incommunicado. Except for the occasional visits by the delegates of Amnesty International and the International Committee of the Red Cross, no visitors are permitted to meet the prisoners. Worst of all, these prisoners do not avail an opportunity to represent themselves by an attorney in a court of law. Trial, if conducted, ends up without the accused understanding the whole process, since all the court proceedings are carried out in Dzongkha and no interpreters are allowed. In most cases, it turns out that, a verdict is simply handed down; even without giving them a chance to defend.

A compilation of some of the testimonies of former prisoners and their names appended here will speak more about the dreadful living conditions inside the Bhutanese prisons and the treatment of prisoners.

Two and half years after the onset of democracy in Bhutan scores of human rights advocates still continue to languish in the Bhutanese prisons under deplorable conditions. Their situation puts freedom at stake, for all the Bhutanese people as well as the international community, including the United Nations. Creation of a political climate where everyone can share a common space, respect each other, find representation and live free from fear of persecution and intimidation is surely a key to avoiding future communal disharmony and chaos in the kingdom of Bhutan.

Therefore, in the broader interest of "freedom for all", and in the spirit of the theme of Human Rights Day 2010, we request Your Excellency to adopt the Bhutanese freedom fighters and secure their release immediately and unconditionally. We feel it is possible to do so if Your esteemed office may use its influence to urge the Bhutanese authorities to abide by the international norms and conditions enshrined in Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). ["No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment"]. We appeal that, like every civilized human being, the Bhutanese prisoners have an inalienable right to live and enjoy a dignified life, as free citizens.

We also request Your Excellency to use the influence and authority of your good office to help the Bhutanese government sign and ratify the United Nations Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (UNCAT); thereby taking measures to end or criminalize all acts of torture, and working towards a torture free society through effective domestic legislation and its application in the administrative or judicial organs of the government without any bias. We believe that if a UN body or an international human rights organization is allowed to register and work on the ground, the issue of regulation monitoring would be much more effective.

We will be honored to furnish additional details, should the UN System be interested in a broader investigation of the situation of prisoners and detainees in the various prisons of Bhutan.

Thanking you,

Respectfully,

List of signatories……

In my frail conditions …

Posted: 09 Dec 2010 10:12 AM PST

On September 25th 1990, a large number of people gathered around the Dzong, the district headquarters, and demonstrated for two consecutive days calling for the lift of the ban on Bhutanese Nepalese culture. When the enforcement of the dress code continued into our Dashain festival, the Bhutanese Nepalese became disconcerted. That day, the Dzongda, chief district officer, informed the mass gathered outside the Dzong that the King would respond to the appeal by 4th of October 1990.

On the 4th of October, amidst Dashain, many of us carried our food (rice and meat) packed in cloth, walked to the Dzong at Damphu wearing our traditional clothes, anticipating just and positive proclamation from the King. We danced and sang in front of the Dzong and the wait continued. At about midnight the Dzongda reappeared and said that the King was unable to give a prompt reply, and added that we should go home or else they would open fire, as per the order of the King. The people were panic stricken. Speechless, we began to retreat home. The next day, Radio Bhutan, claimed that Bhutanese Nepalese had come to the Dzong at Damphu threatening to attack, with small packs of explosives. All we could do was to be dumbfounded the way the government alleged our packs of rice and meat as explosives.

On the 28th of October, 1990, the army came in trucks to collect books, stationeries and other properties from the school at nearby Lamidada. The villagers dissuaded the seizure and tried to convince the officials that their children required those materials to study. But they opened fire, killing four of them, Pema Tamang, Ghuwan Singh Khadka, Tikaram Adhikari and Devnarayan Adhikari. Their corpses were never returned. This was the starting point of the use of bullets.

Nar Bahadur.

On the 30th July 1991, while I was sleeping in my front yard, 12 soldiers stepped in and asked for me. My wife, who noticed the soldiers coming in, came to my rescue. She said that there was another person by the same name in Damphu who was politically active. But the army carried with them a list of names and said they were looking for a person with my name living at the address I was in. I was arrested and handcuffed, and asked to direct them to my neighbour's house, who was also arrested.

My wife followed me as I was being taken by the army. The army Major tried to convince her to stay behind, but she adamantly followed. They promised her that I won't be beaten but only be interrogated. Eventually, she went back home. I was taken to the school at Damphu, which was converted into a jail. I was taken into a dark room and the Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) took my statement. I stated that I had donated Nu.50 when I was asked to and that I had participated only in the gathering of the 4th of October 1990, when everyone was celebrating Dashain and waiting for King's response to the appeal.

Chimmy Drukpa, the officer responsible for the torture of individuals from Chirang, Damphu, Dagapela and Kalikhola, walked into the room and began to punch and kick. He hit with sticks to force me confess things which I did not do or know or make me say yes to what he demanded me to tell. There can be no reckoning of the beatings that occurred thereafter. He was the most insane person I had ever seen. He used to order us to fight with each other, or beat a friend of ours with bamboo sticks. If I were not to comply and not hit my friend as hard as I could have, he would mercilessly beat me and demonstrate how to hit. A person died right in front of our eyes beaten to death by his helpless mate. We were also forced to do bullfight and clash and collide each others' heads. Routinely, they would climb on our backs and make us crawl on our knees and elbows. They would jump on us like herdsmen and expect us to gallop like animals, on our knees and elbows. Tin pots were supplied to pass urine and stool in the detention cell. Sometimes, they would tie the tin pot full of faeces around our neck like locket in a necklace and make us crawl on our knees. The food we were given were either rotten or full of stones or unhusked rice or damped with kerosene or with excessive salt. And of course the beatings were regular.

There were 105 prisoners at the Damphu jail. The jailers began to threaten us, that if we wanted to stay in Bhutan then our prison term would prolong, or alternatively we could opt to leave the country. When I was asked what I wanted to do, I used to answer, that as three generations of my family had lived on the same land, why should I leave the country, when I haven't done anything wrong? Enraged with my answer, they use to beat me heavily with sticks or intimidate me showing a piece of hot iron to change my statement and leave the country.

Out of 105, 24 prison inmates were released after they signed Voluntary Migration Forms, to leave Bhutan permanently. The rest of us were transferred to Chemgang prison near the capital, Thimphu. We were taken to Chemgang in trucks and all inmates were shackled and tied with each other using handcuffs. Throughout our journey we were made to stand in the vehicles. It was dark when we reached the prison. As a custom, we were welcomed at the gate, with a thrashing by around 50 policemen, blindly charging us with sticks and clubs.

In this prison, we had to get up at 5 am in the morning, and recite mantras of the Drukpas. Then they would make us roll in our rooms from one end to the other. If we were unable to roll, then thrashing followed. At 6 am they would give us dry, and slightly heated wheat flour, with some water to drink. For lunch there was pathetic rice and thin soup without vegetables.

In Chemgang I was put into a hard labour of constructing three prison houses. In my frail conditions, I had to lift 8 kg hammer to break and carry huge boulders from 6am to 11am in the morning and 1pm to 5pm in the evening (10 hours a day). There was one policeman per prison inmate. And if any inmate slowed down a bit during work hours, policeman would heavily charge the inmate with sticks and hasten him to work.

In the freezing winter of the north, police officials would dump us into bone-chilling ice water, for half-an-hour and then make us jump to warm ourselves up. In such prison condition, I never thought I would survive. There were so many unreported deaths. In fact falling sick meant death – for medical care was not provided.

On the 30th of March, 1992, I was released along with 272 other prisoners. Before our release the head of Centre Jail, Major Kipchu, gave us a lengthy speech, trying to justify our arrest and the treatment in the prison. We did not have money to go home, neither were the jailers prepared to give any. Many walked their way home. I managed to get some money from acquaintance and travelled via Wangdi, and eventually walked from Damphu to my village.

When I reached home, my wife broke down and my younger son ran away horrified by my look and condition. I had a long beard, swollen face, brownish broken teeth and skinny structure. Anyway, I had survived my prison term and reunited with my family, when I least expected. For my treatment, the hospital was closed and all I could do was depend on herbal medicine that my wife prepared for me. Soon I was working on my land again, growing the crops, may not be with the same vigour and exuberance – but I did.

A year later, there was a call from the Army barrack, for Sektoleme, a form of conscript labour. But this time, they called specifically women, to offer a helping hand in cleaning, cooking and gardening in the army barrack. My wife was set to go. When she was about to leave, my neighbours came to my house and bursting into tears recounted their awful experience in the barrack – including rape by police and army.

My wife was worried. I didn't let her go. I decided to go in place of her. On the dusty road other villagers and I were walking together. A jeep came down the muddy road. It stopped just next to me and Chimmy, the torturer, popped his head out and queried sternly – "Haven't you left the country yet? Where are you going?" I replied for what I was going for. Immediately, he spoke through his walkie-talkie with someone and then ordered me to get into the jeep.

I was re-arrested and detained in Damphu jail. In a dark room, Chhimy made me stand while he sat and spoke with the same arrogance. Two men stood behind him with guns. He sprang up and asked, me "Why haven't you left the country yet?" I said, "I was born here, I grew up here, I haven't done anything wrong against the King, why should I leave". He then asked, "To whom does this country belong?" I answered, "To everyone who lives here". He said, "You don't understand. Whose country is this?" After a pause, pointing to his chest, showing his ethnic Drukpa dress, he said, "To us." He further said – "Do you remember, the way we killed Dharma Raj Gurung? We could kill you in the same way, and no one will ever know about it". "Now, tell me, do you want to die or leave this country?" I said, "Both options are ok, with me, if dying for this country or leaving this country is good for my children, I am ready to do any." He became infuriated and repeated the question and asked me to think again.

I thought I didn't want to die. So I agreed to leave Bhutan with my family. Though, I tenaciously hung around my village for over a month in anticipation, that the ban on Bhutanese Nepalese culture would be lifted anytime soon. But the Police knew most of us in person, so they grew anxious about me. The day eventually came when they personally called us to the Police Station, forced us to sign Voluntary Migration Forms. We were wearing Drukpa dress. They made us to stand in front of the camera, asked us to smile and took two polaroid pictures. I still have one of those pictures in my dairy. I was supposed to be given a compensation of Nu. 10,000. The police officer handed over to me only Nu. 2500 and put rest of the money in his pocket. On 6th June 1993, I was forced to leave Bhutan, ending up with my family in the camp in Nepal.

(As published in "Refugees from the Land of Gross National Happiness" by Bhutanese Advocacy Forum- Europe. Dahal shared this story with Avishek Gazmere and Jogen Gazmere in South Australia.)

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The first and unique of its kind, the column "Untold Story" will continue to carry stories of suppression we had faced back home in Bhutan. It might sometimes look fiction in nature but they are real stories. BNS encourages you to contribute your "untold story" about the suppression you or anyone in your family/neighborhood faced. Anything such as physical or mental torture, imprisonment, rape, harassment, among others  will become an untold story. We also kindly request you to contribute related photographs, if possible. If you are confused whether or not your story is an untold story, always feel free to correspond with us prior you start writing it. Please remember that it has to be a real story, not a fiction. We highly encourage you not to exaggerate anything but remain focused on the real happenings while writing untold story.

- Editorial Team, BNS (editor@bhutannewsservice.com)

Real sense of human rights is absent

Posted: 09 Dec 2010 09:51 AM PST

New Delhi-based President of Druk National Congress (DNC), Rongthong Kuenley Dorji (RK Dorji), who was in Nepal after his extradition case was rejected by Delhi High Court, has been asked to lead the democratic struggle of exiled Bhutanese by Bhutan People's Party (BPP), Bhutan National Democratic Party (BNDP) and Bhutanese Movement Steering Committee (BMSC). The top brass of these parties and BMSC agreed to go under the leadership of Dorji based on their crucial meeting of August 22, which Dorji has accepted.

Coinciding the 62nd Human Rights Day, Dorji talked to TP Mishra, Editor of Bhutan News Service, on various contemporary issues including the situation of human rights in Bhutan. Excerpts:

BNS: How do you evaluate the 'state of human rights' in Bhutan especially aftermath of 2008 general election in the country?
The real sense of human rights exists only on paper post 2008. The regime applies human rights discriminately. The human right is upheld if it pleases. However we have to admit slight lee way is granted in terms of freedom of press. The real sense of democracy is absent, so the real sense of human rights is also absent.

BNS: Why do you think Bhutan has been always successful in convincing the world communities that there is 'improving situation' of human rights and democracy despite the truth being the otherwise?
In modern world economic motives determine the nature of relationship. Outsiders have so far only observed the good thing in country. This must have shaped their flaw picture of country. The army, state machinery and money are with king so he seems successful. In addition, international communities have to deal with him whether you like it or hate it for the larger interest of Bhutanese citizens. His success is temporary.

RK Dorji.

BNS: In one sense, whatever the comments from exiled groups, parties or individuals be, the situation in Bhutan is little different. People inside the country are silent and that they are happy with what's been prevailing there. Why it concerns so much to exiled Bhutanese when it comes to 'democracy' and 'human rights' in their country?
The grass root people are ignorant of democracy and human rights knowledge. So far some fifty thousand people who enjoy the state privileges believe that democracy exist in the country. As the democracy knowledge is ingrained into Bhutanese society, people will automatically come forward to campaign for genuine democracy and Human rights.

Exile people are fortunate to have experience the democratic cultures in their refuge country. Because of these exposure and experience, to exiles, the democracy is a basic requirement to lead the respectable life.

BNS: Of late you have been consented to lead the 'struggle for democracy' by three major exiled forces—Bhutanese Movement Steering Committee, Bhutan People's Party and Bhutan National Democratic Party. Tell us about your new road map.
Our road map is illustrated in five points that we have announced during joint press conference. Our objective is to hold meeting with Government of Nepal, Bhutan and India in realizing the five points which are as follows:
Five points are:
-  The exiled political parties and the exiled Bhutanese must be permitted to participate in the forth-coming elections.
- The Bhutanese refugees must be repatriated with honour and dignity, and must be allowed to participate in the political process. To call upon the international community to pressurize Bhutan to take back its citizens.
- The immediate unconditional release of all the political prisoners in Bhutan who have been in prisons since the early 1990s.
-  To promote and strengthen the existing bonds of friendship at the people to people level among the citizens of Bhutan, India, and Nepal, which hasn’t been promoted to the desired level thus far.
- To extend thanks to the international community and all well-wishers of the Bhutanese democratic struggle and seek continued support and solidarity.

BNS: The exile activism for genuine democracy in Bhutan have never received convincing support and solidarity from the international communities. What is your logic that now your leadership will gain momentous support and solidarity so that the struggle takes a good height?
Our demand for democracy is genuine. Besides the international community also want to see genuine democracy taking roots in Bhutan. I therefore expect India and Nepal to counsel Bhutan to resolved exile Bhutanese issues.

Bhutanese have now spread throughout the globe. All wanted genuine democracy to take deep roots in Bhutan. We need to work together to realize the aforementioned five points. Besides, we are hopeful that international communities will support our initiatives to utilize of small opening that we saw in Bhutan since 2008. We will take the confidence of India in our works. For that, we will meet the government functionary and political leaders in India. Our country and India enjoys special friendship and each other destiny in 21st century is intertwined. My main thrust of work involves India.

BNS: But, in one sense you have even failed to garner government support and solidarity from India, where you have been taking shelter for years?
The atmosphere of 1997 and 2010 is different. You have failed to observe my nature of shelter in India. I was undergoing trail and the open support to me was inappropriate.

But in retrospection, I see that India had supported me. I owe gratitude and indebtedness to India. I was not extradited to Bhutan. Now I am able to campaign for democracy and human rights. The support is one thing, working is another. We all must work towards genuine democratization of Bhutan. We must cook food ourselves for our own eating.

BNS: What positive and welcoming changes have you noticed so far in Bhutan since the country stepped into 'democratisation process' beginning 2008?
The positive change is that we see an absolute Monarchy being replaced by Constitutional Monarchy. The democratic institution of parliament, Supreme Court, etc has been displayed to world community. However, the intrinsic power continues to rest with King.

BNS: What needs to be changed further then?
The institution of democratic set up has up in Bhutan. We irrespective of our stay in exile or inside country must struggle together to bring genuine changes tearing current façade of 'democracy'. Change is inevitable in life. But we must work together to bring this inevitable changes favorable to us.

Another exiled Bhutanese commits suicide

Posted: 08 Dec 2010 07:40 PM PST

One exiled Bhutanese from Beldangi-II Ext has committed suicide Thursday morning.
According to eyewitness, Garja Man Rai of Sector C-4, Hut no 56, was found hanging on the branch of tree inside the camp, very close to his hut, with the help of a plastic rope.
The Armed Police Force deployed in the camp untied the body earlier before it was sent for postmortem .
Rai, who is survived by five children and two wives, was facing camp mediation for his polygamy case and was out of the family’s contact since last Tuesday.
According to his neighbours, the conflict in Rai's family started to mount from the time he brought his second wife three weeks ago.
Reported by Hari Kumar Dahal from Beldangi-II for BNS